President Javier Milei’s La Libertad Avanza coalition has unveiled its official ‘grassroots’ political organisation, ‘Las Fuerzas del Cielo’ – the de facto name with which his followers have come to call themselves. The phrase comes from ancient scripture, particularly Maccabees 3:19, which is not part of the official Jewish canon and in the Protestant tradition contained in the Apocrypha, which reads: “For victory in war does not depend upon the size of the fighting force, but on strength that comes from Heaven.”
The new group is formally led by Agustín Romo, who presides over the libertarian caucus in the Chamber of Deputies of the Buenos Aires Province Legislature, but its true leader appears to be a man known as ‘Fat Dan.’ Daniel Parisini, who rose to fame on the Internet under the pseudonym ‘Gordo Dan,’ took the stage and elicited madness among attendees, as a moshpit formed and activists all sang a song in unison, a sort of Mileist anthem that vulgarly refers to Kirchnerites as cockroaches and dismisses their views as “shitty lefty” rubbish. Parisini then announced the new political organisation would become the “armed branch” of La Libertad Avanza, its “Praetorian Guard,” as he put it.
It’s not surprising that they would reference the secret police of the Roman Empire, given this administration’s obsession with bringing back the grandeur of the past. While Milei generally speaks of late 19th-century Argentina as his model, his star political advisor Santiago Caputo seems to have a liking for the imperial. The “Kremlin Magician,” as he’s come to be called, has repeatedly posted images generated with artificial intelligence showing Milei in Roman Imperial garb, while ranting against the “softies” who believed that Kirchnerism could be opposed institutionally on unofficial social media accounts attributed to him. Thus, the Roman-inspired insignia and drapery that set the stage seemed fitting, even if it was more reminiscent of fascist rallies than the scenes of the movie Gladiator. Interestingly, one of the first tweets of the nascent political organisation indicated that they are “anti-Communist” – one of Il Duce’s core tenets.
Parisini’s comments sparked outrage and concern outside of the anarcho-libertarian bubble. Extra-officially, government sources told Perfil’s Giselle Leclercq that they found the reaction comical, and that the rally had been approved by Santiago Caputo and Presidential Chief-of-Staff Karina Milei. Yet, other government officials, speaking strictly off the record, indicated that these kinds of attitudes generate unnecessary noise, particularly when the Milei administration is in its best moment. The childish attitudes of Milei ‘troll army’ come as the government has regained momentum in opinion polls, which show that people continue to support the President and his government plan, and that they are beginning to turn optimistic about the future. Inflation continues its downward trajectory and while poverty has surged, it hasn’t had a causal impact on Milei’s image. Furthermore, Donald Trump’s electoral victory in the United States has blown wind into libertarian sails, fuelling expectations of favourable treatment from the International Monetary Fund and an influx of foreign direct investment. Billionaire businessman Elon Musk, who will have a seat at Trump’s table and has expressed support for Milei, is seen as a door for said investment, particularly from Silicon Valley elites.
Interestingly, just as the geopolitical planets seem to align for the Argentine president, Milei is showing signs of pragmatism on the global stage. During the G20 summit held in Rio de Janeiro this week, he took the stage to launch his usual rants against “21st-century socialism” and the decadence of globalisation, but handily signed off on the final communiqué, which touched on the major issues of the 2030 Agenda that Milei despises including the battle against climate change, the strengthening of global governance mechanisms, and inclusive and equitable economic development. Reports suggest that France’s Emmanuel Macron, who visited Argentina ahead of the summit, ultimately convinced Milei to go with the flow of international consensus on major issues. It was an interesting match-up – a climate sceptic on one hand and climate change champion on the other – but that didn’t stop them from having a few public laughs while on the job.
Milei did miss the G20 “family picture,” yet he got the most important photo he was after in his trip to Rio: a handshake with Chinese Premier Xi Jinping. In a 30-minute bilateral meet, they both agreed to deepen ties between the nations, while Milei said he was looking to broaden the scope of Argentine exports to China. It makes sense, the world’s second-largest economy is also Argentina’s second commercial partner (behind Brazil) and the relationship is deeply tilted in China’s favour. According to data from the INDEC national statistics bureau, Argentina had a positive trade balance to the tune of nearly US$16 billion through to August. Yet when it comes to bilateral trade with China, the balance is negative with US$5.4 billion in exports and US$9.3 billion in imports. Indeed, despite Argentina’s massive agro-exporting sector and China’s substantial needs in terms of food and agricultural products, the Asian giant has the upper hand. Argentina’s major exports in August were all from extractivist industries: beef, lithium carbonate, and soybeans. Coming in from China were elaborate industrial supplies, cell phone parts, automatic data processing machines, and fertiliser components.
The Milei administration’s foreign and domestic political communications strategies appear, in some ways, to be childish. The persistent warnings about the scourge of Communism, together with climate change denial and the attacks on global governance mechanisms, are clearly out of touch with much of the international community, even if the “new right” leaders are increasingly more successful electorally. This week’s neo-fascist rally calling itself the paramilitary forces of the president felt more like a bunch of “young dudes” in their teens during a rock concert.
Both situations seem to turn off potential allies. Internationally, the likes of Xi and Macron continue to play ball. Stateside, Milei and Sister Karina need to absorb the anti-Kirchnerite electorate that recently belonged to Mauricio Macri and his partners in the Juntos por el Cambio coalition. They’ve clearly captured the hardliners, but what can they offer to the centrists and moderates? To Milei’s benefit, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner remains politically active and in command of the pan-Peronist front.
Milei has shown his disdain for democratic institutions since before the campaign. He has governed by emergency decree, like most of his predecessors, but also through vetoes. His followers have made it clear that they know who the enemies are, while the whole libertarian bunch has made it a mission to attack journalism. These childish attitudes remain somewhat comical at this stage, like the rebelliousness of a teenager. Yet violent overthrows of previous paradigms were generally carried out by radicalised youngsters. It’s important to avoid normalising these things.
