“He fights unnecessary battles, [but Argentine] society voted for him knowing that he has a special kind of psychology. People are not stupid, they voted for someone with a mandate of destruction, of confrontation. He’s not doing anything different from what he had proposed, he never said ‘follow me,’ and then went on to generate a productive revolution, like the one [Carlos] Menem did. He said, ‘I’m here to do this,’ and he’s doing it. He puts things in tough terms, yet to me, his authenticity is worth it.”
Read abstractly, without context, this statement would seemingly come from someone who is politically opposed to President Javier Milei, yet it actually came from what could be considered one of his closest political allies, Mauricio Macri. Speaking at the Córdoba Stock Market, the former president analysed Argentina’s current political landscape in his usual frontal style, trying to defend Milei while distancing himself enough to try and retain some manoeuvring room.
Macri, a political maverick and probably one of the people with the highest degree of responsibility for securing Milei’s shocking electoral victory in 2023, is no newbie to the art of communication, and purposefully fused a defence of the overarching mission of the first anarcho-capitalist, libertarian Presidency in Argentina’s history, while pitching the idea that the Milei administration is a continuation of his. Then he finally sprinkled a certain level of criticism, and even cruel irony on his remarks.
The issue of Milei’s mental health has been a constant since the electoral campaign, while his political fragility in terms of party structure and legislative representation has time and time again sowed doubts about his capacity to govern. In one simple phrase, Macri brought those issues together, noting that Milei’s character is bizarre while qualifying his intentions as “destructive.” From a purely conceptual level, none of those notes contradict the way the President sees himself, and in many cases expressed it to the public. He’s noted that as an anarcho-capitalist, his intention is to destroy the state from within, while adding that the reason people voted for him is because he is indeed different and a bit whacked out.
Yet coming from Macri, who is at the same time a close ally and a serious contender, the comments must be considered under a different light. At another point during the talk in Córdoba, the former president gave Milei another backhanded compliment, noting: “What Javier has achieved is almost miraculous, by himself, accompanied only by his sister and four dogs, going on to become president.” The reference to the number of dogs is by no means superficial, as it has become a major point of irritation for the President in his relationship with the public and the media. Indeed, his administration has gone so far as to modify the rules regulating access to public information in order to prevent journalists from asking about the President’s “four-legged children.” The Casa Rosada should’ve caught the message clearly, with the “iron triangle” composed of the President, Sister Karina, and political whizzkid Santiago Caputo probably preparing a response at a time and place of their convenience.
Still, Macri knows he’s in a position of weakness. Milei and his libertarian horde swept his electorate and forced the fracture of his Juntos por el Cambio coalition, taking with them his strongest political card, Patricia Bullrich — since joining La Libertad Avanza, she’s become a diehard libertarian, leading the culture wars against domestic and foreign foe, including Macri. La Libertad Avanza has received the unrelenting support of Macri’s PRO party in Congress, where it’s been instrumental in securing key political victories for the Milei administration, be it the ‘Ley de Bases’ or successive vetoes. But despite lending their votes, the former president and his team have been excluded from key posts in the administration, while Macri has been snubbed by the digital trolls under Caputo’s wing.
Several former members of the Macri administration now hold key posts in the current power structure, including Economy Minister Luis ‘Toto’ Caputo and Deregulation & State Transformation Minister Federico Sturzenegger, yet both of them appear autonomous from Macri. Even from Milei too. Looking forward, Macri is putting his eggs in Milei’s basket, seeking to secure an alliance ahead of next year’s midterm elections, even if there are rumours that Karina is pushing for a strong libertarian candidate in the City of Buenos Aires, Macri’s stomping ground (where cousin Jorge runs the country’s wealthiest district, keeping control in the family, so to speak).
The rest of the political circus is in disarray. There’s chaos within the Unión Cïvica Radical (UCR) which has just splintered among those keeping negotiations with the government open (nicknamed the “Radicals with wigs,” referring to one of Milei’s nicknames, “peluca”), while Miguel Pichetto’s centrist Hacemos coalition seeks to retain centrality, so to speak. Yet the real mess is occurring within the pan-Peronist opposition – while Unión por la Patria has managed to keep caucuses united against the libertarians in Congress, out on the streets the blood is flowing.
The major Peronist dispute is between Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and anyone seeking to question her leadership, especially the governor of Buenos Aires Province, Axel Kicillof. Much like the internal rift that probably cost Juntos por el Cambio the presidential election, the showdown between the Kirchnerites and those looking for a renewed leadership under Kicillof is occurring in plain sight. While the prima donna of Argentine politics over the last few decades refuses to go gently into that good night, Kicillof and several none-Kirchnerist Peronist governors have been looking to dethrone her for a while now. Yet Cristina’s former Economy Minister knows that he cannot confront head on, and instead it’s been Ricardo Quintela, the governor of La Rioja Province, who’s stood up to take on the challenge, in the form of a candidacy to lead the Partido Justicialista — the same post Cristina is running for.
Kicillof has thrown thinly-veiled darts at his political mentor as of late, from asking Peronism to metaphorically renovate its soundtrack, to calling out the strategy of accusing internal opponents of treason. Yet when push comes to shove, he hasn’t stood up against CFK, or her son Máximo for that matter, either because he’s trying to avoid “getting in the ring too early” or of a tactical decision not to engage. It’s beginning to look like his strategy could also make him look weak, a particularly pernicious characteristic within the “party of power” that is Peronism. He’s probably remembering Horacio Rodríguez Larreta’s failed bid to cut the umbilical cord with Macri.
Interestingly, the political class seems to be content playing their games in public, all of which probably plays to the hand of Milei and his libertarians. He’s the one calling them a “caste” that must be eradicated, accusing them of being a “bunch of crooks,” while using them to push his plans through Congress. At the same time, the critical economic situation continues to hammer down on a majority of the population, even if society’s tolerance appears higher than in the past, probably compounding discontent with the political class and fueling further distrust. If Milei can keep the people at bay, or engineer an unlikely economic rebound in the short-term, then chances of a strong showing in 2025 are in the cards. Even if that’s no guarantee of re-election – just ask Macri.
